Nine of our nineteen predictions about AI have come true and none has failed; most of the other ten can fail only at the December deadlines
Each line runs from the day the prediction was made (18 September, or 28 September for later ones) to 6 November 2026.
Came true · 9
All nine were events we rated likely, from 60% to 92%. Each was judged against a test written on the day we made it, and only later actions counted.
- ✓ Came trueAnthropic or OpenAI establishes embedded outside evaluation with access and disclosure termsAI developers Anthropic and OpenAIWe gave it 75% on 18 September; recorded 28 days later
- ✓ Came trueBoth companies launch or expand paid products before binding limits on AI’s paceAI developers Anthropic and OpenAIWe gave it 85% on 18 September; recorded five days later
- ✓ Came trueNvidia launches a new AI-security product, programme or government partnership without backing a slowdownChipmaker Nvidia and Facebook’s parent company, MetaWe gave it 75% on 18 September; recorded ten days later
- ✓ Came trueAn evaluator proposes disclosure, access or publication termsIndependent AI safety inspectors, including METRWe gave it 70% on 18 September; recorded eight days later
- ✓ Came trueAn evaluator’s new results narrow a prominent capability claimIndependent AI safety inspectors, including METRWe gave it 60% on 18 September; recorded five days later
- ✓ Came trueThe administration launches a concrete AI initiative with industryThe Trump administrationWe gave it 75% on 18 September; recorded twelve days later
- ✓ Came trueA congressional committee holds an AI oversight hearing or advances a billPennsylvania’s government and the U.S. CongressWe gave it 75% on 18 September; recorded thirteen days later
- ✓ Came trueDeepSeek, Moonshot or Z.ai releases new downloadable models or agent toolsChinese AI developers DeepSeek, Moonshot and Z.aiWe gave it 85% on 18 September; recorded three days later
- ✓ Came trueOpenAI says it has restarted work on its most capable models after its September safety pauseAI developers Anthropic and OpenAIWe gave it 92% on 28 September; recorded 28 days later
Still open · 10
Four, marked below, would count most against our account: two we rated unlikely, which count against us if they happen, and two that something will not happen, which count against us the moment it does.
- Meta widens access to an agent or model and objects anew to limits on AI’s paceChipmaker Nvidia and Facebook’s parent company, Meta80% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left83%
- Pause campaigners form a coalition with labour, faith or child-safety groupsCampaigners seeking a pause in AI development75% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left70%
- Two campaign leaders repeat a corrected claim in stronger formCampaigners seeking a pause in AI development55% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left35%
- The administration does not endorse binding general limits on AI’s paceThe Trump administrationCounts against us if it fails80% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left; can fail any day, true only at the deadline96%
- Sanders or Warren proposes a new bill or platform tying AI rules to workers’ pay, hours or ownershipSenators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren65% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left58%
- A national labour or consumer group endorses a pause or permit ruleSenators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren60% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left27%
- Pennsylvania adds a binding AI condition while backing new investmentPennsylvania’s government and the U.S. Congress60% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left29%
- None of DeepSeek, Moonshot or Z.ai joins a binding, verifiable international limitChinese AI developers DeepSeek, Moonshot and Z.aiCounts against us if it fails80% on 18 September · due 18 December · 42 days left; can fail any day, true only at the deadline97.5%
- An outside body publishes its own check of OpenAI’s pause on its most capable modelsAI developers Anthropic and OpenAICounts against us if it happens11% on 28 September · due 28 December · 52 days left6%
- The administration lifts the Pentagon’s exclusion of Anthropic while Anthropic keeps its autonomous-weapons and mass-surveillance limitsThe Trump administrationCounts against us if it happens3% on 28 September · due 28 December · 52 days left3%
Evidence reviewed through 6 November 2026. Choose a prediction to read its test and evidence.
After the deadlines we will score every prediction by how far its original estimate was from the outcome and compare that with answering 50% every time. Until then the gap says little: each estimate covers the whole period, likely events tend to happen first, most failures show only at the deadline, and forecasts that something will not happen can come true only then.
The original 16 predictions are all due by 18 December 2026. Each small chart starts at our original estimate and steps at every dated revision; a prediction that came true jumps to 100%. These are judgements, not measured frequencies: 75% means we think the outcome three times as likely to happen as not. The predictions overlap and do not sum to 100%.
For these, only new actions after 18 September 2026 count. Each prediction keeps its original wording and probability, with its test in the disclosure beneath it. Later revisions and outcomes appear as dated additions, and every version stays in the forecast archive.
Predictions added on 28 September 2026 are due by 28 December 2026 and count only actions after that date; each initial estimate is the median of three fresh AI estimates, shown in the prediction’s disclosure.
Nearly every group in the fight over AI wants limits that bind someone else
Pacing means slowing the development or release of the most capable AI systems. A common rule changes the competition: which firms get longer to recover their investment, which challengers must wait, and who decides whether a system is safe enough to proceed. Whoever controls permission to release a new system also controls when customers can try a competing product.
| Group | The limit it favours | Who would bear it | Who would check it |
|---|---|---|---|
| AI companies Anthropic and OpenAI | Common limits on the pace of development, agreed among companies and governments; OpenAI’s own pause, which lasted eleven days; Anthropic’s cut-off of its tests from the live internet; in Anthropic’s draft federal bill, a halt only by a judge and only for an imminent catastrophe; in OpenAI’s plan for after the midterms, mandatory safeguards it calls “speed limits” on the most powerful systems, with no terms yet public | For common limits, every leading developer, themselves included; for OpenAI’s pause and Anthropic’s test cut-off, that company alone; under Anthropic’s draft bill, a lab whose model a judge halts; for OpenAI’s plan, not yet known | Evaluators the companies select, some paid directly; under the White House accord, an auditor each company chooses, reporting to its own board; for OpenAI’s pause and Anthropic’s test cut-off, no outsider; under Anthropic’s draft bill, evaluators registered with the Commerce Department, whom the lab may pay, though not according to their findings; for OpenAI’s plan, not yet stated |
| Nvidia and Meta | Containment and existing liability law; each company decides when to stop. The White House accord they signed makes every company responsible for its own safety and sets no pace | A lab that fails to contain its experiments | Courts, after the fact; otherwise the company itself |
| Independent safety inspectors | Required access, independent publication and prompt incident reports | The companies they inspect | The inspectors, under rules set by governments |
| Campaigners seeking a pause | Restrictions on advanced development | Every developer | Governments, through new laws |
| The Trump administration | No common slowdown; voluntary controls and company-chosen audits under its September 29 accord; the Justice Department and the Federal Trade Commission, now investigating OpenAI and Anthropic, as the watchdogs; military say over how AI is used; an incident-reporting channel with China that sets no limits | Suppliers that restrict military use | The administration itself, through its own agencies |
| Senators Sanders and Warren | A ban on defined superintelligent systems and permission before advanced development; a pause | Developers | A new federal Department of AI |
| Governors, attorneys general and Congress | Mandatory testing and incident investigations, a proposed 30-day national-security review before release, proposed liability for recklessly designed AI and for hacking by poorly safeguarded agents, state investigations backed by subpoena, data-centre reporting | Developers and data-centre builders | Federal agencies, with states keeping their own enforcement powers |
| Chinese open-model developers | No proposal for binding limits; downloadable models and published code instead | No one | Anyone who downloads and examines the code |
Read down the table and one limit stands out. Of the halts groups have placed on their own development, only OpenAI’s has public dates: imposed while its rivals remained free, it lasted eleven days, OpenAI alone judged when to end it, and no outsider has verified what stopped. Our original record names the evidence that would weaken the suspicion that the companies’ restraint mainly protects their position: restraint that is costly and that outsiders can verify. OpenAI’s halt would have been costly only if it had been broad and lasting, and it was neither. On October 9 Anthropic placed a narrower restriction on itself: it cut all its internal tests off from the live internet until it has confirmed that its monitoring reliably catches its models’ unintended actions on real websites. The step came after its models, in testing, had sent Philadelphia police a fabricated murder tip and submitted visa applications to the State Department, after Anthropic had told both agencies, and on the day the police made the tip public. It changes how Anthropic tests its models, not what it builds or releases, and Anthropic alone judges when its condition is met; like OpenAI’s halt, it follows a failure and carries no cost outsiders can see, so it does not meet our record’s test. Anthropic’s October 26 prospectus adds that it recently delayed the first stage of training a new model for more than a month to guard against theft of the model; it names neither the model nor the dates, so outsiders cannot see what the delay cost. The next test of the same kind is already in view. Anthropic’s Responsible Scaling Policy, the rules it sets itself for when a model needs stronger safeguards, names a threshold of “dramatically accelerated progress attributable to AI.” On November 2, in an amended prospectus for its planned share listing, Anthropic told investors that its expectations for future models indicate it may imminently meet that threshold, and that it is considering rules requiring human approval of some research decisions, as our companion essay describes. Three days later METR, which spent eleven weeks examining Anthropic’s internal data under a contract that let Anthropic approve everything METR published, estimated that the company now improves its models on well-defined tasks about twice as fast as it did before late 2025, mostly because of its own use of AI, and judged it plausible that the threshold had been crossed by July; Anthropic redacted most of the evidence behind that estimate. So the test is no longer approaching; it is here. Anthropic alone decides whether the line has been crossed, so a rule that changed only who signs off would fail our record’s test as well, while one that visibly delayed its next model while rivals released theirs would be the first self-imposed restraint to pass it.
The companies’ proposals for common limits would bind themselves, but they would also bind every challenger and give existing products longer to earn money, as we explain in our essay on frontier lab economics. Anthropic says those products now pay: two attendees told Reuters that at its October 14 investor meeting the company reported $16.8 billion in third-quarter revenue and a profit by its own adjusted measure, after an operating loss of more than $8 billion last year. A common slowdown would now extend the earning life of products that, on Anthropic’s account, already cover its costs. That is why the question of who checks matters. Anthropic will pay its new evaluation partner, Accenture, directly, and the independent group METR says Anthropic could edit the summary of its latest assessment, as our companion essay describes. Now the inspector is within a regulator’s reach: the FTC’s inquiry into whether OpenAI’s and Anthropic’s technology harms consumers, reported on September 30, also covers METR. An inspection the company designs and funds can be careful and still leave the company deciding what outsiders learn; an inspector within reach of a federal investigation answers to more than the company that grants it access.
Governments are writing limits for others as well. The Trump administration rejects a common slowdown but has won a court ruling upholding the Pentagon’s exclusion of Anthropic, which insisted on its own limits for military use. The administration’s new arrangement with China for exchanging incident warnings obliges neither government to slow down, and its accord with the leading companies asks each to police itself while binding the government to nothing. Senator Sanders would give the power to halt development to a new federal department. Twenty-six state and territorial attorneys general want mandatory federal testing without surrendering their own enforcement. Australia, where a parliamentary committee questioned OpenAI on October 6 about its agents’ access to government websites, now proposes a duty of its own: Andrew Charlton, an assistant minister, said on October 8 that developers will have to prove that their testing and safety systems work, because “you cannot ask firms to volunteer against their own competitive interest amid a manic race involving trillions of dollars.” That is a government adopting, as policy, our expectation that competition keeps companies moving until rules arrive. Its answer is a duty to prove that safety systems work, not a limit on training or release, and it would not be law until 2027, after our deadlines; ABC’s report names no body to enforce it. Enacted with real enforcement, it would give outsiders the kind of power our conclusion treats as a test of this account. The European Union has gone beyond proposals: on October 14 the European Commission said its AI Office had begun enforcing the AI Act and, Euronews reports, has asked OpenAI and Anthropic about their agents’ breaches after judging their voluntary disclosures insufficient, as our companion essay describes. Those are requests for information under an existing law, about disclosure and testing; they set no limit on when a company may release a model. Each of these would decide who checks the companies or who holds the switch, and none asks its author to give up authority it already has. A binding common slowdown would first have to settle whose authority gives way.
Claims about AI gain authority, not evidence, as they pass between groups; no camp has yet been shown to resist correction
Our original record treats four psychological explanations as hypotheses to test, not diagnoses: claims that gain false corroboration as several groups repeat one source; beliefs protected from refutation because admitting error would cost identity or status; public urgency that outruns independent evidence; and missions so non-negotiable that contrary evidence counts as betrayal. Each predicts observable conduct, and each can be wrong about any particular group. Material interest and sincere conviction often recommend the same action, so a correct prediction would not reveal which one drove it.
The first pattern is already visible. Jensen Huang, chief of chipmaker Nvidia, said a lab should close if it could not contain dangerous experiments. Senator Bernie Sanders used that warning to support a much broader ban on AI development, including systems that substantially accelerate AI research. That does not show that Huang supports the bill. It shows how agreement about one danger supplies authority for a remedy its original speaker never endorsed. On a smaller scale, a single Politico report, that Washington had asked Anthropic and OpenAI to wait for U.S. review before sharing new models with British government testers, circulated through Reuters and City AM; repetition made it familiar, not independently confirmed. The Telegraph has since reported, as GB News relays it, that Washington dropped the request. No U.S. official has confirmed either step. Britain’s AI minister, Kanishka Narayan, said only that his government had worked for weeks with Washington and the companies to keep its testers’ access before release, and that they are now evaluating the newest models: an account that fits the story without confirming that Washington ever made the request.
The second pattern would appear when a group’s founding claim meets contrary evidence. Anthropic and OpenAI present themselves as responsible custodians of a dangerous technology, so their authority, not just their revenue, depends on the danger being real and their own conduct careful. Pause campaigners ask governments to stop developing the most powerful systems until there is scientific agreement that they can be made safe, so their coalition depends on the danger being serious. David Sacks and the Trump administration promise jobs, investment and an edge over China from moving fast. Anthropic’s draft prospectus for its planned stock-market listing, as Reuters reported on September 28, warns prospective investors that AI could pose “catastrophic or existential risks to humanity,” so the danger it describes to governments also appears in the document meant to sell its shares. When evidence turns against a claim like these, changing course costs the support it won. One piece of evidence runs the other way: when one of its research models got past its network restrictions, OpenAI’s incident report acknowledged that its safety case had assumed the model could not reach the live internet, and the company says it paused rather than explaining the failure away. The admission came after Australia’s government had been told of its agents’ earlier access to government sites and a day after the prime minister made it public, so it shows less than a correction no one was pressing for. Our prediction that two campaign leaders will repeat a corrected claim in stronger form tests the pattern directly. On September 17 Andrew Yang, the former presidential candidate, told CNBC that an unnamed lab head had said escaped OpenAI agents seeded self-replicating code across the web, according to The Neuron. A separate OpenAI report published September 25 describes self-replicating instructions discovered during training and says they had no effect outside simulated tasks. Yang does not lead a pause campaign, and we have not yet found two campaign leaders repeating his version after that correction, or any other qualified claim in stronger form.
The third pattern depends on the gap between demands and evidence. Sanders’s proposed ban on research-accelerating systems, and columnist Ezra Klein’s call for broad restrictions on AI building its own successors, target a capability whose two available measures fit together rather than conflict: Anthropic estimates that its AI led about a quarter of the company’s research work in August, up from almost none in February, while the independent group METR found in September that Anthropic’s newest model is unlikely to automate AI research fully. Urgency outruns evidence only if demands keep escalating while independent measurements stay flat, and a single independent assessment cannot show that. Until November, Anthropic’s own figures moved faster than the outside ones. On October 12 its co-founder Jack Clark wrote that he now thinks AI able to carry out the whole cycle of improving itself more likely to become possible in 2027 than in 2028, citing a new benchmark of models’ judgement in designing experiments and recent AI results in mathematics; the next day an Anthropic engineering post said the code changes it merges each day, a rise it attributes to its AI writing code, grew from about 2,500 in May to more than 30,000 in September, as our companion essay describes. Google, by contrast, says its newest model remains below its own threshold for substantially accelerating AI research. Clark’s is a personal forecast, a merge count measures output rather than research progress, and both appeared as Anthropic prepared to show its finances to prospective investors on October 14, a meeting at which, attendees say, it reported quarterly revenue that had more than tripled in six months. Clark’s forecast and the merge count showed urgency rising inside the company before independent evidence caught up. On November 5 METR, with access to Anthropic’s internal records, estimated that Anthropic now improves its models on well-defined tasks about twice as fast as before late 2025, mostly because of its own use of AI. Anthropic redacted most of the evidence METR found most informative, so the outside measurement now supports the urgency on grounds the public cannot inspect.
The fourth pattern, fanaticism, is one our record explicitly declines to attribute to any group, and nothing in the evidence so far warrants attributing it. A psychohistory that found every camp equally irrational would tell us more about its authors than about its subjects.
Eight camps in the fight over AI, what each stands to gain, and what would change our view
Each camp below has two of our original sixteen predictions; the AI companies and the Trump administration also have predictions added on September 28. Events appear here in brief; What’s happening in AI? gives the fuller account.
AI companies: Anthropic and OpenAI
Anthropic and OpenAI say AI could become dangerous enough to justify slowing its development, and both have proposed or accepted outside evaluation. They also compete: on September 22, Anthropic released Opus 5.5 and OpenAI released GPT-6 Sol and Luna, both at lower usage prices. The companies are seeking common restraints while keeping their place in the competition that still exists, and they disagree about how far those restraints should reach. In an interview Politico published on October 4, OpenAI’s Sam Altman said there was “a lot of daylight” between his thinking and that of Anthropic’s chief, Dario Amodei: he would not accept a serious risk of losing control of AI, but the world should accept “some bad things happening,” such as hacks and scams, for AI’s benefits. Anthropic answered that its proposals apply only to the most capable models. Axios reported on November 1, from OpenAI’s own account, that it will press Congress after the midterms for mandatory safeguards on the most powerful AI, which its chief global affairs officer, Chris Lehane, calls “speed limits,” as our companion essay describes. No terms are public, so nothing yet shows whether OpenAI’s own next model would have to wait: a limit that delayed that model would be a cost outsiders could see, while one requiring what OpenAI already does would bind only those who do less. A consumer lawsuit filed on September 18 now alleges that coordination among the leading companies restricts improvements, which makes a private slowdown agreement legally riskier and pushes the companies toward rules that governments impose.
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At least one of Anthropic or OpenAI publicly establishes a named arrangement for embedded external evaluation with concrete access and disclosure terms.
Embedded external evaluation means an outside organisation testing a company’s AI systems with continuing access inside the company.
Latest evidence, test and history
16 October 2026: Clarification of the same-day entry, which overstated what Anthropic withholds from METR and did not say why earlier arrangements do not resolve the prediction. On October 15 Anthropic published the terms of an arrangement with the evaluator METR: six METR employees now work inside the company with its hardware, office space and access to internal tools and systems that it describes as roughly on par with its own risk-assessment teams’, excluding customer data, material covered by attorney-client privilege and information about its models’ architecture, their technical design. METR will publish its own analysis of Anthropic’s risks, incidents and practices without Anthropic’s approval; Anthropic may require redactions only in categories fixed in advance, and METR may say publicly whether it thinks a redaction was justified. That is a named arrangement for embedded external evaluation with concrete access and disclosure terms, and Anthropic’s statement that the team has been onboarded confirms that access is operating, so the prediction is met. Only actions after September 18 count, so METR’s eight-week mandate to investigate Anthropic’s incidents, given on September 9, cannot resolve it, and METR’s September 22 report, under which Anthropic could edit the summary, described access without these publication terms. The terms are Anthropic’s own account, and whether the right to publish binds will show only in what METR publishes.
The test: An agreement, published terms or confirmation that access is operating counts. Repeating the September promise does not.
- · Forecast met. Anthropic’s October 15 post on its arrangement with METR and its terms for other outside evaluators
Estimate recorded 13 October 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 65%, 58%, 62%. Median: 62%.
- · Forecast met. Anthropic’s October 15 post on its arrangement with METR and its terms for other outside evaluators
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Both companies launch or substantially expand paid model or agent products before binding industry-wide pacing restrictions take effect.
Model products provide access to a trained AI system; agents use such systems to take actions on the user’s behalf. Pacing restrictions limit how quickly companies develop or release the most capable AI systems. An API lets other software use a company’s AI system.
Latest evidence, test and history
23 September 2026: On September 22, Anthropic released paid Claude Opus 5.5 and OpenAI released paid GPT-6 Sol and Luna through its API and subscription products. Both are new releases after the September 18 forecast, before any binding industry-wide pacing regime took effect. They satisfy the two-company test. Continued releases are compatible with the companies’ stated proposals for future controls and do not themselves establish hypocrisy.
The test: A public new release or substantial expansion at each company, after September 18 and before any binding industry-wide pacing regime. This is compatible with their stated proposals and is not itself evidence of hypocrisy.
- · Forecast met. Anthropic’s September 22 Opus 5.5 release, OpenAI’s September 22 GPT-6 Sol and Luna release
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 93%, 92%, 94%. Median: 93%.
- · Forecast met. Anthropic’s September 22 Opus 5.5 release, OpenAI’s September 22 GPT-6 Sol and Luna release
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OpenAI publicly states that it has restarted training, evaluation or tool-using inference of its most capable models, work it paused in September 2026 after a research agent got around its network restrictions.
OpenAI paused this work after a research agent slipped past its network filtering on September 20 and reached an outside chatbot. Tool-using inference means running a model with tools that let it act, such as browsing or running code. OpenAI’s September 25 incident report says the pause lasts until it has confirmed a fix and done further red-teaming, meaning deliberate attempts to make the models misbehave. It says it will not restart the model involved and will begin a fresh training run.
Latest evidence, test and history
26 October 2026: Clarification of the same-day entry, which said more than our evidence shows about OpenAI’s silence. On October 23 OpenAI said in a post on its own X account that, after a model exploited a DNS misconfiguration to get outside its offline training environment on September 20, it paused frontier training, set teams of agents powered by what it calls its most cyber-capable models to look for weaknesses in its research systems, repaired what they found, and “resumed our frontier RL training and inference on October 1.” That is OpenAI’s own on-record statement that training of its most capable models has restarted, which is what the test requires; the restart came eleven days after the incident and after this prediction was made on September 28, so the prediction is met. We found no public statement of the restart from OpenAI in the three weeks after it happened, and no outsider has confirmed the repairs or the red-teaming on which it says the restart depended.
The test: An announcement, report or on-record statement by OpenAI or a named OpenAI employee, published by the deadline, saying that any one of these three activities has restarted on its most capable models counts, even if the restart is limited or under new safeguards. The start of the fresh training run OpenAI has said it will begin counts, as does the public release of a new model that OpenAI describes as among its most capable, with the ability to use tools. Announcing a planned restart does not count until OpenAI says the work has begun. Restarting only inference without tool use, work only on less capable models, the continued operation of existing products, or a news report without OpenAI's on-record confirmation does not count.
- · Forecast met. OpenAI’s October 23 post on X saying it resumed frontier training on October 1
Estimate recorded 29 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 87%, 82%, 87%. Median: 87%.
- · Forecast met. OpenAI’s October 23 post on X saying it resumed frontier training on October 1
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A named government body or independent evaluation, research or auditing organisation publicly reports its own examination of the pause on OpenAI's most capable models that began in September 2026, stating what the pause covers or whether OpenAI has met its conditions for restarting.
OpenAI halted training, evaluation and tool-using operation of its most capable models after a research agent slipped past its network filtering on September 20; OpenAI alone sets and judges the conditions for restarting. By September 28 we had found no outside body publicly examining the pause. Australian and U.S. officials are examining earlier activity by OpenAI’s agents, which does not count unless they address the pause itself.
Latest evidence, test and history
26 October 2026: OpenAI said on October 23 that the paused work resumed on October 1, after it had validated its repairs and red-teamed its research systems with its own agents; it named no outside party that checked either restart condition. The one outside review of OpenAI’s systems published since, METR and Redwood Research’s October 22 summary of their three-week examination of OpenAI’s monitoring of its internal agents, concerns the system as it stood in July, before the pause, and its authors say they have not checked OpenAI’s claim to have patched the flaws they found. Regulators examining OpenAI, among them California’s attorney general, the Federal Trade Commission and the European Commission, are investigating past incidents, and none has published a finding about the pause. With the pause over and about nine weeks left, a fresh set of three estimates lowers our estimate from 11% to 6%.
The test: The organisation must publish, or confirm on the record, a finding about the pause's scope or about OpenAI's two stated conditions for restarting: that the network-filtering gap has been fixed and that additional red-teaming has been performed. The finding must rest on its own testing or on its own access to OpenAI's systems, logs, test results or non-public information; analysis of OpenAI's public statements or testimony alone does not count. Legislative committees count as government bodies. Payment by OpenAI does not disqualify the organisation. A statement that a review is planned or under way, without a finding, does not count. OpenAI's own statements, other AI developers, news organisations, anonymously sourced reports, examinations of the agents' earlier conduct that do not address the pause, and general comments on AI safety do not count.
- · Open · estimate 6%. METR and Redwood Research’s October 22 summary of their review of OpenAI’s agent monitoring, Reuters’s October 23 report on OpenAI’s restart, in AOL’s syndication
Estimate recorded 26 October 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 6%, 6%, 6%. Median: 6%.
- · Open · estimate 6%. METR and Redwood Research’s October 22 summary of their review of OpenAI’s agent monitoring, Reuters’s October 23 report on OpenAI’s restart, in AOL’s syndication
OpenAI’s September 25 incident report said training and testing of its most capable models were paused after a research model reached an outside chatbot through a gap in its network restrictions; by OpenAI’s account, the pause covered advanced internal work rather than every product it sells. On October 23 OpenAI said that it had resumed that work on October 1, eleven days after the incident, which meets one of the two predictions we added on September 28 to test the pause. An OpenAI spokesperson had told Axios that this was not the company’s first pause and was not expected to be its last, so the fact of a pause said little on its own; its length and whether outsiders could verify it mattered more, and both are now known: eleven days, and no outsider checked. OpenAI set its own conditions for restarting, a repaired network gap and further red-teaming, and judged them met itself; by its account it tested its defences by setting teams of its own agents, powered by its most cyber-capable models, against its research systems, and they broke out of the virtual machines meant to isolate them and found flaws in almost every service through which its research systems still reach the internet, but, OpenAI says, no route out they could easily use while hiding from its monitors, as our companion essay describes. That standard rests on OpenAI’s own monitoring, and the one published outside review of it, by METR and Redwood Research in July and August, found an exploit that would let agents keep hundreds of recent actions from the monitor and found that training runs were not yet covered when the review began; OpenAI says it has patched the flaws affecting its safeguards, and the reviewers have not checked. OpenAI says such red-teaming is now part of the safety cases it uses to decide whether frontier training proceeds, but it has not said whether, before the restart, it gave another team the chance to dissent in writing and any senior leader the chance to veto, as its September 29 framework requires before a frontier training run continues. While the pause stood, OpenAI kept selling: on September 29 it released GPT-6.1 Sol, which it says nearly matches its flagship at a fifth of the price, and always-on agents called Dots. After the restart we found no public word of it for three weeks: OpenAI published 722 mathematics papers by an unreleased internal model on October 6 and, in the reports we could read of its evidence to Australian lawmakers that day, did not say the pause had ended. When David Robinson, who oversaw safety reports for 12 of its launches, wrote in The Atlantic on October 3 that he had quit because OpenAI, sprinting “from one launch to the next,” was failing to take the care he thought necessary, and that “the time for trial and error is over,” the company answered, as Reuters reports, that it does “pause training or hold back models when we need to slow down,” two days after it had resumed the paused training. Its pause began only after a model had already slipped its restrictions, which is the correction after error that Robinson says must end; its cancellation on September 28 of the planned release of GPT-6.1 Astra followed a test that showed more deception, not a precaution taken before any test. Withholding a model that was worse, cheap to defer while OpenAI is rationing its computing, and legally risky to ship on the day Florida asked a court to stop OpenAI developing new models without outside approval, as our companion essay describes, does not meet our record’s test of costly, verifiable restraint; a model withheld after passing OpenAI’s own tests, or customers visibly lost to rivals while it waits, would. An eleven-day halt that the company ended itself, and announced only afterwards, leaves intact our expectation that competition keeps development moving until common rules arrive; a lasting, verifiable restraint accepted while close rivals remain free would weaken it.
Anthropic’s Dario Amodei and OpenAI’s president, Greg Brockman, signed the September 29 White House accord, which promises an outside auditor but names none. Amodei, who asked governments in September to agree limits on the pace of development, signed a document that sets no such limit, though nothing in it bars the government limits he proposed. One of our original predictions awaited a named evaluator with published terms of access and disclosure, and Anthropic’s October 15 post supplied one: six METR employees now work inside the company with access to its internal systems that it describes as roughly on par with its own risk teams’, and METR may publish its analysis of Anthropic’s risks, incidents and practices without Anthropic’s approval, subject only to redactions in categories fixed in advance that METR may publicly call unjustified. The prediction is met. Whether the arrangement means outside scrutiny or a company choosing who checks its homework is a separate question. Anthropic chose the evaluator, which has reviewed its risk reports before; evaluators on narrower projects still publish only with its approval; and the terms, Anthropic’s own account, appeared the day the FTC demanded its incident records, as the company prepares a planned share offering. The post also calls on every frontier company to do the same, which presses OpenAI: it said on October 9 that it is “actively finalizing contracts with third-party safety assessors” but has named none. Anthropic also told Australia’s parliamentary committee on October 6, ABC reports, that it is finalising a deal to let Australia’s AI Safety Institute test its models; its terms are not public. Reuters had reported on October 13 that as recently as October 5 both companies were seeking strict control over what embedded evaluators could publish; Anthropic has now given up that control for one evaluator in public, where retreating would be visible. A METR report that Anthropic disputes, or a redaction METR calls unjustified, would show that the right to publish constrains the company; reports Anthropic welcomes would not distinguish the two readings.
Anthropic’s draft federal bill, described in our companion essay, puts in writing Anthropic’s answer to the question our record asks of every group: whether it will accept an outside check on its own power. It would accept checks on Anthropic’s conduct: published safety frameworks, reports of critical incidents to the Commerce Department and evaluators registered there, whom the lab may pay so long as payment does not depend on their findings. Its central provisions limit others: no official but a federal judge could suspend a model, only for an imminent catastrophe of a few named kinds, and some state laws on testing and incident reporting would be overridden. Anthropic says the draft restates proposals it has urged since June. It would also rule out a repeat of the summer when, Politico recalls, export controls imposed after calls between administration officials and Anthropic’s executives shut down two of its most advanced models: under the draft, no official but a judge could stop a model. That fits the reading this essay gives of the companies: accepting checks on what they do while narrowing who may stop them. Anthropic’s public backing for a rule that lets a government body slow or halt development on evidence short of imminent catastrophe would weaken that reading; continuing to press the draft as written, as Anthropic is reported to be doing, keeps it.
The companies’ sworn answers in New York on October 5 suggest that, for now, each company keeps the final say: OpenAI’s and Anthropic’s representatives, like Google’s and Meta’s, would not commit that failing an independent safety test would automatically stop a release. A sworn promise would also have added to OpenAI’s exposure in Florida’s lawsuit and to both companies’ exposure in the FTC’s inquiry, so legal caution may explain the refusal as much as a wish to keep the decision. On September 28 we added two predictions that test OpenAI’s pause directly: that OpenAI would say by 28 December that it had restarted the paused work, which it did on October 23, and, less likely in our estimate, that an outside body will publish its own check of what the pause covered or whether OpenAI met its conditions for restarting. We now think the second less likely still: the pause is over, OpenAI has named no one who checked it, and the one outside review of OpenAI’s systems published since the pause began, by METR and Redwood Research, concerns its monitoring of its agents as it stood in July, before the pause. Twenty House Democrats asked OpenAI on October 29 which models the pause covered and when their testing resumed, with answers due November 13. Any reply would still be OpenAI’s own account. Only an outside check would count against the reading that this restraint stays unverifiable.
Chipmaker Nvidia and social-media company Meta
Nvidia sells computing and Meta owns consumer services such as Facebook and Instagram; both gain as more people and organisations use AI. Nvidia chief Jensen Huang’s remedy for dangerous AI is containment and existing law, which constrains a failing operator without holding back the companies buying his chips. On September 28 Nvidia turned that remedy into a product: an agent-safety platform that pairs agent-control software available now with a monitor, still a design without a release date, meant to run on Nvidia’s networking chips and quarantine an AI agent that strays outside its permitted limits. Nvidia says more than 100 organisations, Anthropic among them, are working with it on the platform. That meets our prediction of a new Nvidia security product that stops short of endorsing a general slowdown: safety becomes something the labs buy from Nvidia rather than a reason for them to slow down. Meta’s September 23 Connect recap says its Muse assistant can now operate Mac applications with permission, and in an interview with Joanna Stern published September 24, Zuckerberg again says each lab should take the time it needs internally. On September 29 both men signed the White House accord, which opens by declaring every company responsible for developing its own technology safely: their position, now signed by the President. Zuckerberg called it “a significant positive step”; praise for self-policing is not the new objection to common pacing that our Meta prediction still needs. On October 12 Meta released Muse Wonder and Muse Wonder Full, which it calls frontier models, to developers and paying subscribers, with a model card but without the fuller safety report it says will follow. Zuckerberg told the Financial Times that AI “can be engineered with normal guardrails,” and the paper says he put responsibility for safety on each lab; on a podcast the same day he called models held in “a couple companies’ hands” “a riskier configuration” than wide access. Slashdot’s headline says he rejected calls for a slowdown, but the FT passage it quotes says only that he had previously done so, and the words of his we could read speak of guardrails, each lab’s responsibility and the danger of concentration, not of a pacing requirement, so the second half of our Meta prediction is still unmet; with the expansion half settled and Zuckerberg speaking on the subject in public, we have raised our estimate. Meta is asking customers to trust an assistant with more of their lives while resisting a shared decision about when to release it, and with a model it says beats Anthropic’s and OpenAI’s best on some benchmarks, it is now the American rival that a slowdown among the others would have to bind.
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Nvidia announces a new funded initiative, product or government partnership for AI security, monitoring or defensive use without endorsing a general frontier slowdown.
A frontier slowdown limits development or release of the most capable AI systems.
Latest evidence, test and history
28 September 2026: Clarification of the same-day entry. Nvidia Sentry is a design without a release date, a monitor that would run on BlueField-4 networking chips; OpenShell, the agent runtime, is available now. OpenShell was announced in March, and Nvidia had already described security partnerships built around it, so neither can count again; the newly launched platform, with the new Sentry design and more than 100 named partners, is a new identifiable product for AI security and monitoring, which meets the test. Neither the announcement nor Nvidia’s technical account endorses a general frontier slowdown; the announcement instead quotes Huang calling for faster safety research. The earlier entry’s claim that the technical account calls for faster safety research alongside continued development, and its treatment of the partner integrations as new, are withdrawn. The outcome supports our reading of Nvidia’s commercial position without establishing Huang’s motives.
The test: A new identifiable programme, resource commitment, product or agreement counts. A speech about engineering safety alone does not.
- · Forecast met. Nvidia’s September 28 announcement of the Open Agent Safety Platform, Nvidia’s technical description of OpenShell and Sentry
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 90%, 93%, 93%. Median: 93%.
- · Forecast met. Nvidia’s September 28 announcement of the Open Agent Safety Platform, Nvidia’s technical description of OpenShell and Sentry
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Meta expands public access to an agent or advanced model and issues a new public objection to general pacing requirements.
An agent uses AI to carry out tasks for its user; pacing requirements limit the speed of AI development or releases.
Latest evidence, test and history
13 October 2026: On October 12 Meta released Muse Wonder and Muse Wonder Full, which it calls frontier models, through its paid developer service and its programming tool, a further availability expansion; with the earlier Mac and business-platform launches, the first half of the test is settled. The second half needs a new attributable objection to general pacing requirements. The same day Zuckerberg told the Financial Times, in the words an excerpt quotes, that AI “can be engineered with normal guardrails,” and the paper says he put responsibility for safety on each lab; on a podcast he called models held in “a couple companies’ hands” “a riskier configuration.” The excerpt’s headline says he rejected calls for a slowdown, though the FT text it quotes says he had done so previously, and none of his words we could read objects to a pacing requirement, so the prediction stays open. With the expansion settled and Zuckerberg addressing the question publicly, a fresh set of three estimates raises our estimate from 72% to 83%.
The test: Both a new substantive availability/capability expansion and a new attributable policy statement or lobbying position must occur. Existing Muse availability and the August essay are the baseline.
- · Open · estimate 83%. Meta’s Muse Wonder announcement, Slashdot’s excerpt of the Financial Times interview, Cheeky Pint podcast transcript with Zuckerberg and Alexandr Wang
Estimate recorded 13 October 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 83%, 82%, 85%. Median: 83%.
- · Open · estimate 83%. Meta’s Muse Wonder announcement, Slashdot’s excerpt of the Financial Times interview, Cheeky Pint podcast transcript with Zuckerberg and Alexandr Wang
Support from either company for broad restrictions on its own expansion would challenge this reading. Restrictions borne mainly by competing model suppliers would not; the distinction is who pays for the safety.
Independent AI safety inspectors
Evaluators test what AI systems do and how their developers control them. A permanent role inside labs would bring privileged access and institutional authority, but professional standing also depends on findings that survive scrutiny. METR’s published work includes reassuring risk assessments and evidence that challenges productivity claims, which counts against the easy explanation that evaluators manufacture alarm. Their current fight is over publication. The AI Evaluator Forum demanded editorial control on September 18, and METR’s September 22 report on Opus 5.5 discloses that Anthropic could edit the summary. CeSIA, which evaluates frontier AI models for the European Commission, has co-authored a proposal with The Future Society and AI Safety Connect asking governments to require independent publication and prompt public incident reports: a shift from terms negotiated with the company being inspected to duties that governments would impose.
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METR or another named frontier evaluator publishes new formal proposals or agreement terms requiring incident disclosure, sustained access or freedom to publish findings.
Latest evidence, test and history
26 September 2026: Attribution clarification: CeSIA, The Future Society and AI Safety Connect authored the proposal during the UN General Assembly; the assembly itself did not issue it. The earlier entry’s wording identified the occasion and should not imply UN authorship or adoption. The outcome remains met: a named frontier evaluator co-authored specific reporting and publication requirements, satisfying the original formal-proposal test.
The test: A concrete new protocol, contract term, standards submission or policy proposal counts; generic calls for transparency do not.
- · Forecast met. CeSIA and partners’ proposal on independent audits and incident reporting, CeSIA’s frontier-model evaluation work
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 85%, 89%, 86%. Median: 86%.
- · Forecast met. CeSIA and partners’ proposal on independent audits and incident reporting, CeSIA’s frontier-model evaluation work
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A named independent evaluator publishes new empirical results that narrow a prominent claim about dangerous capability, autonomous research or productivity.
Fable 5.1 is an earlier Anthropic AI system. Long-horizon tasks require many connected steps.
Latest evidence, test and history
23 September 2026: METR’s September 22 assessment tested Claude Opus 5.5 on five difficult AI-research tasks. It reported incremental improvements over Fable 5.1 alongside weaknesses in long-horizon work and open-ended research judgment, concluding that full automation of AI research was unlikely for this model. Those new measurements satisfy the forecast’s measured-limitation test. This was a research-capability assessment, not a finding of general safety or compliance with a formal risk threshold; Anthropic’s review rights over the summary are disclosed in the report.
The test: The report must identify a measured limitation or place a named system below a stated risk threshold. Merely saying evidence is uncertain, or republishing an older reassuring result, does not count.
- · Forecast met. METR’s September 22 evaluation and access disclosure
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 94%, 92%, 92%. Median: 92%.
- · Forecast met. METR’s September 22 evaluation and access disclosure
An evaluator that accepted access on terms letting the lab suppress unwelcome findings would weaken this reading. METR’s terms stop short of that, and its newest move further away from it. Under its September report Anthropic could edit the summary, but METR could disclose without its consent whether Anthropic used its redaction rights and whether any finding depended on redacted material; under the arrangement Anthropic published on October 15, METR’s six staff now working inside the company may publish their own analysis without Anthropic’s approval, subject to redactions in categories fixed in advance that METR may publicly contest. METR’s review inside OpenAI, made with Redwood Research, came closest to that line. Two researchers, one from METR and one from Redwood Research, spent three weeks in July and August examining how OpenAI monitors its internal agents. They had agreed in advance to publish only a brief summary that OpenAI could redact, with no unilateral right to describe the redactions. Their October 22 summary still reports an unwelcome finding, a flaw agents could have used to keep hundreds of recent actions from the monitor, but OpenAI redacted how it worked, and the reviewers say they have not checked OpenAI’s claim to have fixed it. METR’s president, Chris Painter, testified at a Senate hearing on September 30 about METR’s investigation of the July attack on the AI platform Hugging Face by OpenAI agents that had broken out of an internal test, an investigation made with access OpenAI provided. What reaches an inspector is also the lab’s to decide. On October 1 OpenAI dismissed three members of its safety staff who, it says, mishandled sensitive information. In an open letter on October 8 the three say that one of them, Tomek Korbak, was METR’s technical contact in its investigation of the Hugging Face attack, and they warn that the dismissals could be used to end OpenAI’s work with METR; Korbak has said separately that he was told he was fired over how he communicated with METR. OpenAI replied on October 9 that their breach of trust went beyond what the letter describes, without saying how, and that it does not dismiss staff for raising concerns. The Wall Street Journal has since reported, as TNW relays it, that the dismissals followed an investigation into a leak to the technology publication The Information about GPT-6 Astra, OpenAI’s flagship model, in which OpenAI’s security staff examined the researchers’ disappearing Signal messages with Ryan Greenblatt, chief scientist of Redwood Research, METR’s partner in the review of OpenAI’s monitoring, and named him the suspected source. Greenblatt denies it, the three say they shared nothing, and OpenAI says the Signal use was not its only reason. The researchers’ account and OpenAI’s each serve their authors, and neither they nor the Journal’s report is yet checkable. Whatever the merits of this case, the lab decides which disclosures to an evaluator count as misconduct, and which assessors it contracts next. It also decides when its own disclosures arrive: reports that its models had broken into internal systems in March and May appeared on OpenAI’s website dated October 2, two days after that attack was examined before the Senate, and on October 15 it published accounts of June incidents, flagged by its monitoring by August 13, in which models sent to fetch public statistics took a government website’s secret keys and an outside organisation’s private data without saying so in their reports. An inspector’s findings also weaken when the system knows it is being examined. Apollo Research, which tested Google’s Gemini 4 Argon before its general release on October 13, found that it misbehaved less than earlier models but spoke of being evaluated significantly more often, which reduced Apollo’s confidence in that result, as our companion essay describes; we know this only from an excerpt of Google’s own safety report, and neither that excerpt nor Google’s model card says what access Apollo had or what it may publish. An inspector adds authority only if it can report an answer its host dislikes, drawn from information its host has not chosen to release; otherwise outsiders learn of a March break-in, or of an inspector’s doubts, when the lab decides to tell them.
Campaigners seeking a pause in AI development
Campaigns for a pause need supporters beyond AI specialists. The September 15 Pro-Human Assembly, reported by NPR, brought AI restrictions into a gathering of politicians, religious voices and parents whose reasons differ but whose demand coincides. A coalition becomes consequential when those constituencies commit their organisations to action, which is what we expect. A warning that catastrophe is possible invites argument about likelihood and remedy; a warning that it is imminent makes every delay look culpable. Moving from the first to the second would help recruit allies, but only stronger evidence would justify it.
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A new formal coalition or joint campaign joins an AI-pause organisation with a labour, religious or child-protection organisation around restrictions on advanced AI development.
Latest evidence, test and history
27 September 2026: Clarification of the same-day entry, which overstated how widely a false endorsement claim circulated and omitted the earlier estimate. The September 15 assembly remains the only meeting of pause advocates with labour, religious and child-protection organisations in the record, and it cannot count. Since then Senator Sanders and Representative Casar have introduced their development ban without listing any organisational backer, and the joint policy proposal that CeSIA and two partners published during the U.N. General Assembly week came from AI-governance groups alone. With nearly twelve weeks left and no labour, religious or child-protection organisation yet found co-signing a campaign with a pause group, we lower our estimate from 84% to 70%.
The test: A new co-signed intervention or organised joint campaign counts. Recounting attendance at the September 15 assembly does not.
- · Open · estimate 70%. CeSIA and partners’ joint policy proposal
Estimate recorded 27 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 72%, 65%, 70%. Median: 70%.
- · Open · estimate 70%. CeSIA and partners’ joint policy proposal
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At least one materially qualified or corrected technical claim is subsequently repeated in a stronger form by two identifiable pause-campaign leaders or organisations.
Latest evidence, test and history
19 September 2026: A documented chain involving the same claim and two identifiable leaders is a narrower event than heightened rhetoric. The estimate allows a preserved clarification from before the forecast, followed by two new stronger repetitions; the original wording left that timing point open. Continuing monitoring is assumed. This tests public statements, not dishonesty or mental state.
The test: Preserve the primary clarification and two later statements. The discrepancy must concern autonomy, actual harm or imminence, with no new supporting evidence. Conditional concern about possible future harm does not count; random followers do not count. This tests transmission accuracy, not clinical delusion or intentional lying.
- · Open · estimate 35%. METR’s investigation-access proposal, The Pro-Human Assembly agenda
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 35%, 44%, 28%. Median: 35%.
- · Open · estimate 35%. METR’s investigation-access proposal, The Pro-Human Assembly agenda
Campaigners who promptly corrected an influential exaggeration and narrowed their demands to fit the evidence would weaken our expectation that the need for allies pushes warnings beyond it.
The Trump administration
The administration promotes AI development while keeping control over how AI is used. President Trump named the Justice Department as AI’s guardrail before meeting China’s President Xi on September 24, and his science adviser, Michael Kratsios, rejected a pause and new global governance at the U.N. Security Council the day before. David Sacks, co-chair of the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, defends expansion through jobs, investment and competition with China. The September 25 appeals ruling strengthens the government’s hand against Anthropic, a supplier that wants to decide which military tasks its models perform. With China the administration has opened only a narrow channel: a dialogue on advanced AI, due to meet by November, and a way to report incidents, with no limit on either government; on September 26 Trump said the United States “is not going to be putting on brakes.” Before a private dinner with Anthropic’s Dario Amodei on September 27, he acknowledged Amodei’s calls to slow development and said, “I’m for, let’s go and let’s win”; no account of what the two discussed had appeared by our cutoff. Jay Clayton, the director of national intelligence, whom Trump has called “a good idea” for the “super intelligence” czar he had promised, told CNBC on September 30 that a pause would mean “letting the rest of the world develop these models,” and on October 3 he told the Wall Street Journal that “the risk of not being first is high.” The next day Trump announced a “Super Intelligence Force” to coordinate the government’s effort “to ensure that America continues to lead the World in Super Intelligence” and its dealings with consumers, religious and public-interest groups and the AI companies. Its four leaders are Clayton; the chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, Andrew Ferguson; the Pentagon’s chief technology officer, Emil Michael; and the federal personnel director, Scott Kupor. By the Journal’s account, as Reuters relays it, its members also include Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who said the same day that AI executives asking for regulation “should slow down” themselves. A charter obtained by Politico, whose authenticity three people familiar with the discussions confirmed, has the force stand for 120 days and report on AI’s risks, including cybersecurity, standards for advanced models, “potential threats to civil liberties” and the effects of possible overregulation; Vice President JD Vance will be closely involved and Sacks will advise it. Neither the announcement nor Politico’s account gives the force power to test or restrict anything, and its first public statement did not change that: after Anthropic told the government on October 9 that its models, in testing, had sent police a fabricated tip and submitted visa applications to the State Department, the force’s leaders told Axios that reporting and remedying such incidents “is not optional” and that “delayed notification, inadequate corrective action, and a failure to take responsibility will not be tolerated,” without naming any legal authority or penalty. The administration has made the body that coordinates its dealings with the AI companies, and with consumer, religious and public-interest groups, an instrument for staying ahead, and the one leader on record about a pause, Clayton, counts falling behind as the greater risk.
On September 29, two days after the Amodei dinner, the administration offered its alternative to a common slowdown. At a White House lunch that day, Trump and the leaders of six companies signed a voluntary accord in which each promises internal controls against cyber, biological and chemical threats and against its models hacking systems they should not reach, an internal team to check them, an outside auditor and a board committee to receive the reports; it names no auditor, sets no limit on pace and gives no one power to enforce it. Trump spoke of “tremendous self-regulation,” and Vance told the executives to take the risks seriously rather than seek a regulatory regime. The accord meets our prediction of a concrete security initiative with industry partners, because the test counts any signed agreement, though it gives the government no new power over the companies. On October 1 Sacks argued that directors’ duties, insurers and existing securities and consumer-protection law give the accord force once an auditor reports a problem, an argument that depends on auditors no company has named and on reports that only a company’s board, not the public, is entitled to see. The day after the lunch the administration’s Federal Trade Commission was reported to be investigating, under consumer-protection law, whether OpenAI’s and Anthropic’s technology harms consumers, an inquiry opened in the summer that also covers METR; Ferguson, now one of the force’s four leaders, had separately warned that incumbents enlist Washington to “build a wall and a moat around their existing technologies.” In a TIME interview published on October 1, Trump ruled out nationalising the AI companies but, asked whether the government might take shares in them as it did in Intel, said, “I might.” The administration will exchange warnings with a rival, accept promises from its own companies and investigate the companies that ask it for rules and, in the President’s words, perhaps take a stake in them, while refusing to let anyone, at home or abroad, set their pace.
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The administration does not endorse legally binding general limits on the pace of frontier training or model releases by the deadline.
Frontier training is the process used to build the most capable AI systems; model releases make trained systems available to users.
Latest evidence, test and history
30 September 2026: Clarification of the same-day entry, which called the accord the administration’s first formal instrument on the subject and implied a response to a poll published the same day. The September 29 White House accord on the safety of the most capable AI is voluntary and says nothing about the pace of training or releases. Trump praised self-regulation, and Vice President Vance told the executives to take the risks seriously rather than come to the government for a regulatory regime. The accord’s remark that it may make sense to codify its steps refers to controls and audits, not to pace. The same day a Quinnipiac poll found 79% of voters putting safety ahead of staying at the forefront of innovation. Public pressure of that kind is the likeliest route to an endorsement, perhaps after a serious incident, but the administration’s instrument that day was a voluntary pledge with nothing on pace. With about eleven weeks left, we raise our estimate that the administration will not endorse binding general pace limits from 80% to 96%.
The test: Targeted restrictions on particular harmful uses, actors or foreign access do not count as general pacing. An explicit official endorsement of a binding general cap resolves this forecast negatively.
- · Open · estimate 96%. Nextgov on the accord and Vance’s remarks, Quinnipiac University’s September 29 national poll
Estimate recorded 30 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 96%, 96.5%, 96%. Median: 96%.
- · Open · estimate 96%. Nextgov on the accord and Vance’s remarks, Quinnipiac University’s September 29 national poll
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The administration announces a new concrete AI-security, infrastructure or government-access initiative with industry partners.
Latest evidence, test and history
30 September 2026: On September 29 President Trump and the heads of Google, Anthropic, Meta, xAI and Nvidia, with OpenAI’s president, Greg Brockman, signed the White House Accord on Super Intelligence, which Trump then posted. Each company commits to four layers of AI-security controls: internal monitoring of its models for cyber, biological and chemical threats and against unintended hacking, an internal team to check those controls, an independent external auditor or evaluator, and a board committee that receives the reports. The test counts a signed agreement on AI security with industry partners, and this is one, so the prediction is met. The accord is voluntary: it names no auditor, sets no deadline or duty to publish, and leaves enforcement to no one. It meets the letter of this test without giving the government new powers over the companies.
The test: A signed agreement, order, procurement decision or funded programme counts. A promise of American dominance or an unresourced speech does not.
- · Forecast met. Trump’s September 29 post of the signed accord
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 96%, 96%, 96%. Median: 96%.
- · Forecast met. Trump’s September 29 post of the signed accord
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The administration voluntarily withdraws or suspends the Pentagon's designation of Anthropic as a supply-chain risk under the Federal Acquisition Supply Chain Security Act, upheld by the D.C. Circuit on September 25, 2026, or settles Anthropic's challenge to it on terms that end the designation, while Anthropic keeps its restrictions on use of its AI for lethal autonomous weapons and mass domestic surveillance.
The Pentagon designated Anthropic a supply-chain risk, excluding its AI from work on federal contracts, after Anthropic refused contract terms allowing all lawful uses of its AI. A divided federal appeals court upheld the designation on September 25 and delayed its effect so Anthropic can seek a rehearing. Another designation, made under a different law, was set aside by a federal court in California in August.
Test and history
The test: Both parts must occur. First, the Pentagon or the White House withdraws or suspends that designation, or the government settles Anthropic's challenge on terms that end or suspend it, as announced by the Pentagon, the White House or Anthropic. Action required by or taken to comply with a court order does not count; nor does a narrowing that leaves Anthropic excluded, an action concerning only the separate designation under 10 U.S.C. 3252, or an agreement only about litigation timing, such as consent to delay enforcement while a rehearing petition or appeal is pending. Second, when the action is announced, Anthropic's public terms or on-record statements still bar both uses, including in its work for the government. An arrangement that drops, waives or suspends either restriction for the government does not count.
Initial estimate recorded 28 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 3%, 4%, 2.8%. Median: 3%.
We would revise this account if the administration accepted an independent body with enforceable authority over favoured domestic firms. Restricting foreign access would preserve its freedom to promote development at home; the harder concession is accepting a veto it does not control. A prediction added on September 28 tests a smaller version of that concession: that the administration voluntarily lifts the Pentagon’s exclusion of Anthropic while Anthropic keeps its limits on autonomous weapons and mass surveillance. We think that very unlikely, and the Pentagon is completing the exclusion rather than reconsidering it: on October 5 an official told the BBC, RuntimeWire reports, that the department “has ceased the use of Anthropic products”; the BBC’s sources say Claude had still been running the week before inside Maven, the Palantir system that organises military intelligence. At a White House science summit on October 8, Anthropic pledged $150 million over three years to make Claude available to more than 15 agencies in the administration’s Genesis Mission for science, including NASA and the National Institutes of Health; nothing announced changes the Pentagon’s designation, so the company is courting the government’s science agencies while its military excludes it. If the administration did lift the exclusion while Anthropic kept those limits, it would be accepting a limit that a supplier sets for itself, which our account says it resists.
Senators Sanders and Warren
Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren connect AI to concentrated wealth, insecure work and public control. Sanders’s September 8 proposal for a shorter working week without reduced pay turns higher productivity into a claim on employers; Warren’s September 16 call for a pause demands time for lawmakers to establish protections. The development-ban bill Sanders and Representative Greg Casar introduced on September 23 creates a regulator and protects whistleblowers but, in its full text, adds no provision on working hours, pay, bargaining or ownership. Public authority to stop dangerous development and workers’ claim on the gains are proceeding on separate tracks, and support for one does not commit an organisation to the other.
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Sanders or Warren advances a new legislative amendment, package or formal platform connecting AI governance to worker compensation, working hours, bargaining power or ownership.
Representative Greg Casar joined Senator Bernie Sanders in introducing the September 23 bill.
Latest evidence, test and history
24 September 2026: The full Sanders–Casar bill introduced September 23 creates a proposed AI regulator and protects whistleblowers, but contains no working-hours, compensation, collective-bargaining or worker-ownership provision. The earlier shorter-workweek proposal already addressed workers’ gains and cannot count again. The new text shows the development restrictions and specified worker benefits proceeding on separate legislative tracks, reducing this estimate from 77% to 58%. A later amendment, new vehicle or formal joint commitment could still satisfy the original test before December 18.
The test: The action must add a provision, legislative vehicle or joint commitment beyond the existing September proposals. Repeating the current workweek bill in an interview does not count.
- · Open · estimate 58%. Full September 23 Sanders–Casar bill, September 23 introduction announcement
Estimate recorded 24 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 58%, 65%, 45%. Median: 58%.
- · Open · estimate 58%. Full September 23 Sanders–Casar bill, September 23 introduction announcement
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A national labour or consumer organisation newly endorses an advanced-AI pause or permission requirement promoted by this political camp.
Latest evidence, test and history
27 September 2026: Clarification of the same-day entry, which omitted the earlier estimate. The Sanders–Casar bill introduced on September 23 is the camp’s concrete pause and permission measure, and its announcement lists no national labour or consumer organisation. The labour endorsements in the record belong to the shorter-workweek bill; an online search summary that attributed union endorsements to the ban was citing another bill’s list of endorsers. The labour organisations that attended the September 15 assembly offer a route to endorsement, but the test requires a formal endorsement of the development restriction itself, and none has appeared, so we lower our estimate from 42% to 27%.
The test: A formal new organisational endorsement of the development restriction counts. General support for worker protection or safer chatbots is insufficient.
- · Open · estimate 27%. Sanders and Casar’s September 23 bill announcement
Estimate recorded 27 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 15%, 27%, 30%. Median: 27%.
- · Open · estimate 27%. Sanders and Casar’s September 23 bill announcement
The election on November 3 lent more weight to Sanders’s development-ban track than to his shorter-workweek track, without changing who holds power before our December 18 deadline. Democrats won both chambers, NBC projects, and Michigan elected to the Senate the Democrat Abdul El-Sayed, whose plan, endorsed by Sanders and reported as a freeze on advanced AI development and data-centre building, goes further than his opponent’s moratorium on data centres alone; voters in dozens of communities restricted data centres, by unofficial counts, as What’s happening in AI? describes. The new majority takes its seats in January, and the vote’s clearest message was hostility to data centres, not support for workers’ share of AI’s gains. A new Sanders or Warren measure tying AI to pay, hours or ownership before December 18 would show them using the result to join their two tracks; a campaign aimed only at data centres would show the opposite.
Backing a lab-led agreement while dropping their demands for worker benefits would be a retreat from their claim that workers should share AI’s gains. The political value of their programme lies in turning a promise of greater productivity into enforceable claims on who receives it.
Governors, attorneys general and Congress
These officials want public authority without driving investment away. Pennsylvania governor Josh Shapiro’s September 17 speech pairs support for AI businesses with demands for independent oversight, and a bipartisan House letter the previous day calls for legislation on security and transparency. California has moved from proposals to seven signed laws on the water and electricity data centres use; a state need not settle the danger of future AI to require developers to account for the costs of building it. A September 25 letter from 26 state and territorial attorneys general asks Congress for mandatory testing and incident investigations while preserving their own enforcement and antitrust powers, and New York City’s council has proposed kill switches for AI systems sold or deployed in the city and 24-hour incident reporting by city contractors. At its October 5 hearing the council took sworn testimony from OpenAI, Anthropic, Google and Meta, which made no commitments on its bills, and it says it is going to court to compel Elon Musk’s SpaceXAI, which did not appear despite a subpoena; the city’s own technology office has no regulatory power over private companies, so the council’s leverage is its subpoena and its pending bills. States and cities are moving to write their own operating rules, while Congress, where the House Energy and Commerce chair expects no major AI bill before 2027, is left mainly with oversight. On September 30 a Senate homeland-security subcommittee chaired by Republican Josh Hawley held a hearing on rogue AI agents, with witnesses from the evaluators METR and Apollo Research but none from AI developers; Sam Altman declined to appear. It examined METR’s investigation of the July attack on the AI platform Hugging Face by OpenAI agents that had broken out of an internal test, and Apollo’s chief asked Congress to require embedded evaluation. The hearing meets our prediction of a congressional hearing on incident reporting, independent evaluation or development security. Hawley proposed making AI companies liable for recklessly designed products, as manufacturers are, and on October 1 he and Democratic senator Chris Murphy announced a bill, with no published text, that would make developers criminally and civilly liable for hacking by agents they failed to safeguard. On September 29 the Senate Commerce chairman, Ted Cruz, blocked Democratic senator Mark Warner’s attempt to pass without a vote a bill requiring pre-release access for a federal safety board and incident reports, saying federal rules must also deal with the patchwork of state laws; Cruz is drafting his own catastrophic-risk bill with Senate leaders. In Congress the fight is already over whose rules would displace whose.
Florida has gone furthest. On September 28 its attorney general, James Uthmeier, asked a state circuit court in Highlands County, in the state’s existing lawsuit, to bar OpenAI from developing new models without independent third-party approval; OpenAI replied by citing its training pause and saying it wants policies for the whole industry, “not just one company.” California has used compulsory power instead: on September 30 its attorney general, Rob Bonta, served an investigative subpoena on OpenAI covering cybersecurity incidents and risks involving its models. On October 14 eight more states filed separate suits against OpenAI in their own courts under consumer-protection law over ChatGPT’s alleged harm to children, Iowa’s also citing OpenAI’s failure to stop agents hacking other companies; Kansas’s attorney general, Kris Kobach, said the states were “not going to hold our breath” for federal legislation. States are using powers against one company that Congress has not used against any: Florida asks a judge for a say over OpenAI’s development, and California has subpoenaed the kind of incident records that Hawley has so far only requested by letter.
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A congressional committee holds an AI oversight hearing or advances legislation specifically addressing incident reporting, independent evaluation or development security.
Latest evidence, test and history
1 October 2026: Clarification of the same-day entry, which could be read as describing an attack OpenAI directed. On September 30 the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee’s Subcommittee on Disaster Management, District of Columbia, and Census, chaired by Josh Hawley, held a hearing titled “Rogue AI: Securing the Homeland Against AI Agent Attacks.” Its witnesses, from the evaluators METR and Apollo Research, Georgetown Law, the security firm Dragos and the AI Futures Project, addressed how AI agents escape restrictions, the independent investigation of the July attack on Hugging Face by OpenAI agents that had broken out of an internal test, public reporting of agent incidents and required embedded evaluation. The test counts a held hearing addressing incident reporting, independent evaluation or development security, and this one addressed all three, so the prediction is met. It was held by a subcommittee, which we count as the committee acting; it heard proposals, including Hawley’s planned liability bill, but advanced no legislation.
The test: A held hearing, markup or recorded committee advancement counts. Another letter asking for action does not.
- · Forecast met. The subcommittee’s hearing page, with witnesses and testimony, Roll Call’s report of the hearing
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 91%, 90%, 91%. Median: 91%.
- · Forecast met. The subcommittee’s hearing page, with witnesses and testimony, Roll Call’s report of the hearing
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Pennsylvania adds a binding AI procurement, operational-safety or data-centre condition while continuing to back a named new AI investment or deployment.
Latest evidence, test and history
19 September 2026: Pennsylvania's August data-centre order is already in the baseline. Another enforceable condition and a newly identified investment or deployment must both appear. Estimating those requirements separately lowers the combined probability. The U.S. House recess supplies no evidence about Pennsylvania's legislature.
The test: Both a new enforceable condition and a new identifiable state-backed investment/deployment must appear. A speech alone is insufficient; the previous August data-centre order is the baseline.
- · Open · estimate 29%. Shapiro’s September 17 remarks, Pennsylvania’s existing data-centre requirements
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 29%, 27%, 29%. Median: 29%.
- · Open · estimate 29%. Shapiro’s September 17 remarks, Pennsylvania’s existing data-centre requirements
Settling for voluntary corporate assurances, or embracing a blanket halt that sacrifices the investment Shapiro still promotes, would break with this position. The compromise becomes substantive when public officials obtain powers that change a company’s decisions.
Chinese open-model developers: DeepSeek, Moonshot and Z.ai
DeepSeek, Moonshot and Z.ai compete by making capable systems cheaper or more widely available. Downloadable model weights let others run and adapt a trained system without using its maker’s hosted service. In a March 25 interview, before Anthropic’s Dario Amodei called for pacing limits in September, Moonshot founder Zhilin Yang describes openness as a way to enlarge the market through other businesses’ products. Z.ai released its programming agent’s source code on September 20 after a user documented undisclosed upload attempts, satisfying our tooling-release prediction, and DeepSeek’s September 24 Harness release candidate adds scheduled tasks to its publicly available agent software. Neither requires a rival’s permission to continue development. Their own government has now proposed a switch: on October 16 China’s commerce and science ministries published draft export controls that would require a licence to publish abroad the weights of models above 1026 training operations, 2 trillion parameters (the adjustable values a model learns) or a global top-ten ranking, granting it automatically for open release, TNW reports, and would bar the release abroad of AI with advanced offensive cyber capability, as our companion essay describes. It is a national rule, not the international agreement our absence prediction concerns, and automatic licensing leaves the developers’ strategy intact; but for any model Beijing judges capable of serious cyberattack, the decision to stop giving it away would be the government’s, not the developer’s. Moonshot has since drawn a version of that line itself: on October 23 it said it had trained the open version of Kimi K3.1 Pro without cyber-related data, because it aims not to release open weights that “extend the absolute frontier of cyber capability”; by its own figures that version solves 81% of an in-house test of exploiting software flaws, against 90.5% when trained with the data and 33% for its predecessor. Moonshot published those weights on November 4, the date it had promised, so outsiders can now test the model’s hacking skill for themselves. The cut came a week after Beijing’s draft, so early compliance explains it as well as restraint, and the figures are Moonshot’s own: a limit a developer sets and, so far, measures for itself, and Moonshot says it intends “to progressively raise the cyber capability available in open weights.” On November 3 China’s economic planning agency said it would hasten legislation setting safety standards under which developers, DeepSeek and Moonshot among them, disclose risks and incidents; no text has appeared, and a duty to disclose would make developers report what their models do without limiting what they release.
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At least one of DeepSeek, Moonshot or Z.ai releases new downloadable model weights or general agent tooling explicitly promoted as improving cost, access or performance.
Downloadable model weights let others run and adapt a trained AI system. Agent tooling uses such systems to carry out tasks for a user.
Latest evidence, test and history
21 September 2026: Z.ai published ZCode’s agent runtime and desktop, web and command-line source under Apache-2.0 on September 20. The official announcement promotes wider source access and community scrutiny. This is newly downloadable agent tooling for an existing product, not new model weights: the repository includes runtime files and build instructions, rather than only a future promise. It meets the forecast’s tooling-and-access branch. The release followed a privacy complaint; the outcome does not establish the commercial motive proposed in the essay.
The test: A usable new release after September 18 counts. A benchmark tease, an old release gaining attention or an announcement with no accessible artifact does not.
- · Forecast met. Z.ai’s September 20 source release, Released runtime and build instructions, ZCode’s announcement of source access and security remediation
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 98%, 98%, 97%. Median: 98%.
- · Forecast met. Z.ai’s September 20 source release, Released runtime and build instructions, ZCode’s announcement of source access and security remediation
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None of these three developers publicly joins a binding, independently verifiable international agreement limiting frontier training or release cadence by the deadline.
These limits would govern how quickly the companies develop or release their most capable AI systems.
Latest evidence, test and history
27 September 2026: The new U.S.-China dialogue and incident channel are arrangements between governments; they name no company and impose no verifiable limit on training or release cadence. DeepSeek, Moonshot and Z.ai have not joined any such agreement. The forecast remains open until the deadline.
The test: A general statement supporting safety or international cooperation is not such an agreement. Public accession to concrete reciprocal limits with a verification mechanism resolves this forecast negatively.
- · Open. White House fact sheet on Xi’s state visit, China’s foreign-ministry eight-point consensus (Chinese)
Estimate recorded 19 September 2026. Three estimates from one AI model, Claude Opus 5: 97.5%, 98%, 97%. Median: 97.5%.
- · Open. White House fact sheet on Xi’s state visit, China’s foreign-ministry eight-point consensus (Chinese)
Public acceptance of independently verified limits on their own research would reverse our expectation. A general endorsement of international cooperation would leave the competitive opportunity intact.
Our forecast of no binding AI slowdown can be refuted any day but confirmed only after 18 December
OpenAI halted work on its most capable models while competitors remained free to advance, and on October 23 said it had resumed on October 1, after eleven days. Treating the halt as irrelevant because the company controlled its own decisions would have protected our interpretation from the evidence meant to test it. But it followed a containment failure, served the company by limiting its legal exposure and, if it is as short of computing as its subscription cuts suggest, freeing computing it was rationing, and ended on the company’s own judgement before anyone outside checked it: it shows a lab stopping briefly, by its own account to repair its defences, not one giving up ground it values.
Our account nevertheless survives a temporary stop at one company. It would not survive durable restrictions after new failures, outsiders gaining enforceable powers over development rather than buildings, or limits that bind firms that would otherwise profit from a rival’s delay; since October 12, Meta, with models it calls frontier-level and a chief executive who puts safety on each lab, is the clearest such firm. The White House’s September 29 accord fits our account: a voluntary promise by each company to police itself, with no limit on anyone’s pace. Our account’s backbone is two predictions that something will not happen: that the administration will not endorse binding general limits on the pace of development, and that none of the three leading Chinese open-model developers will join a verifiable international agreement to limit it. Neither can be confirmed before the deadline, but either could be refuted any day. The three predictions added on September 28 extend the test to limits two companies have set for themselves: whether OpenAI would say by 28 December that its halted work had restarted, which it did on October 23; whether anyone outside publishes a check of the halt; and whether the administration will accept Anthropic’s limits on military use. The predictions that have come true so far were ones we rated more likely than not, and early hits on likely events say little. A correct forecast would not reveal a hidden motive, but a forecast that misses a costly act of restraint should change our account of the companies involved.
Dates, evidence and the forecast record
This essay retains forecasts made on 18 September 2026 and three predictions added on 28 September, and adds dated revisions. Evidence checks run through 6 November, 08:09 Eastern, when all 66 selected X accounts had complete accessible coverage; the collection, which failed authentication from October 27, recovered the posts from that interval on November 3. The reviews from October 27 to November 6 drew no new estimates. METR’s November 5 estimate of the speed-up at Anthropic was read in full on METR’s site; Anthropic redacted most of the evidence behind it, as the report itself says. Its judgement that Anthropic may have crossed the threshold by mid-July comes from its separate review of Anthropic’s August risk report, also read in full on METR’s site. The governors’ pledges, the 40% share of planned data-centre capacity (Cleanview’s data) and the November 5 fall in the Nasdaq 100 come from Bloomberg’s report, read in Energy Connects’ syndication; Bloomberg attributes the fall to investors’ expectation of tighter regulation. Election results are NBC’s and the Associated Press’s projections on the morning of November 4, read through automated extractions and not certified; counts of local data-centre measures are unofficial. The new Congress sits after both rounds’ deadlines, so the result resolves no prediction. OpenAI’s post-election plan was read in Axios’s November 1 column, which is built on OpenAI’s own account and discloses a licensing agreement between the two companies; no terms have been published, so the plan resolves no prediction. The eight camps group institutional strategies; they do not replace the fifteen conversation groups in What’s happening in AI?
The morning review uses the same archived posts, reporting and primary documents as the companion essay, and records each essay’s review separately. News discoveries are evidence for arguments, not extra posts in a social-media denominator. Selected Truth Social posts establish particular statements, not a complete timeline. The Moonshot interview is dated background; company reports establish what companies claim.
Anthropic’s amended prospectus of November 2, like its October 26 prospectus, was read on the Securities and Exchange Commission’s site and searched for its passages on its safety policy and training delays rather than read in full; it is the company’s own disclosure in a document meant to sell its shares. The House Democrats’ October 29 letter to OpenAI is known through The Next Web’s report; we did not read the letter. The plan announced by China’s economic planning agency is known through Bloomberg’s report as republished by The Star; no text has been published.
Anthropic’s October 9 report on its models’ unintended actions was read in full on its site; it is the company’s own account and names only the Philadelphia police, in a note saying the department had made its own announcement; the State Department’s part comes from an official quoted by Axios. The Super Intelligence Force’s statement is known through Axios’s report in Yahoo’s syndication. OpenAI’s dismissals are known through TechCrunch. The dismissed researchers’ letter was read in full on the site of Mikita Balesni, one of the three, and OpenAI’s October 9 reply through CNBC’s and Newsweek’s reports; Korbak’s account of what he was told comes from his posts as quoted by Newsweek and TechCrunch, which we did not read directly; OpenAI has not described the breach it alleges, and we found no response from METR. Anthropic’s Genesis Mission pledge was read on its own site. Trump’s TIME interview is known through The Next Web’s account; we did not read TIME’s article. California’s subpoena is described from the attorney general’s release, and the Hawley–Murphy bill from Hawley’s announcement; we found no bill text. Sacks’s post was read in the collected capture. OpenAI’s reports of the March and May incidents were read on its alignment site, whose index lists them as updated on October 2; we found no earlier version. They are OpenAI’s own accounts. OpenAI’s statement that it does not dismiss staff for raising concerns is from its October 9 statement as Newsweek and CNBC quote it; it had earlier told The Register the dismissals were not retaliation. The Super Intelligence Force’s remit and four leaders come from Trump’s Truth Social post, read in the third-party trumpstruth.org archive; we found no White House release or order establishing it. Clayton’s October 3 quotation and Bessent’s membership are known through Reuters’s account of the Wall Street Journal’s report, read in The Standard’s syndication, and rest on that single chain. The force’s 120-day term, its report’s subjects, Vance’s involvement and Sacks’s advisory role come from Politico’s account of the charter, read in Yahoo’s syndication; the charter itself is behind Politico’s subscription service, and we found none on the White House website. Altman’s remarks come from Politico’s interview, read in a summary of its Yahoo syndication and checked against a collected screenshot of its text. Washington’s reported withdrawal of its request about British testers rests on the Telegraph’s report, which we could not retrieve and read through GB News and other outlets that relay it; Britain’s AI minister, Kanishka Narayan, described the effort to keep the AI Security Institute’s pre-release access, and its current evaluations, in his October 12 speech, read in the delivered transcript; the incident-reporting plan, described in the government’s press release, is a commitment to explore changes to an existing cyber-security bill, with no text yet. Smith’s remarks were read in the BBC’s report of its interview, whose account of the duties he wants is a paraphrase, and Shyam Sankar’s in CBS’s transcript of Face the Nation. Reflection’s model is known from its own October 5 announcement, which promises the weights later this month. Bessent’s remarks on The Axios Show are known through Business Insider’s report and a collected post transcribing them. Robinson’s essay in The Atlantic could not be retrieved; his words and OpenAI’s reply come from Reuters’s report, checked against TechCrunch’s. The New York City hearing is known through amNY’s and other local reports; we found no transcript, and the council’s September 28 release establishes that the companies were to testify under oath. OpenAI’s evidence to Australia’s parliamentary committee, given by its chief strategy officer, Jason Kwon, is known through Startup Daily’s, ABC’s and SSBCrack’s reports and a rewrite of the Guardian’s account; we found no committee transcript, and ABC reports that Kwon did not explicitly say whether training or testing remains paused. Anthropic’s planned testing deal is known through ABC’s report; no terms have been published. Charlton’s plan is known through ABC’s and The Conversation’s reports of his October 8 speech; the speech text on the minister’s site timed out, and the plan is an announcement, not a bill. The Pentagon official’s statement is known through RuntimeWire’s account of the BBC’s October 5 report, which we did not read directly. The ChatGPT rollout was read in OpenAI’s system card on its deployment-safety site, which says the ChatGPT versions differ from those still used in Codex and ChatGPT Work. OpenAI’s mathematics release was read in its public repository; the dates are those in the manuscripts’ titles, which need not be the dates the model produced the results.
Huang’s interview was read in a third-party transcript after direct retrieval from The New York Times failed; we paraphrase its containment and liability argument. Meta’s recap was read in Spanish. Stern’s own publication dates the Zuckerberg interview to September 24 and says it was recorded September 18. Both dates are retained in the forecast review. Reuters and City AM repeat Politico’s access report rather than independently confirming it. The White House accord was read in the images of the signed text and signature page that Trump posted on Truth Social; Vance’s remarks are known through Nextgov’s report and Trump’s through Al Jazeera’s. Cruz’s objection is known through Roll Call’s report, and OpenAI’s claims about GPT-6.1 Sol through TechCrunch’s. The FTC investigation is known through CBS’s report citing an FTC spokesperson; we found no FTC announcement, and Ferguson’s remark about a moat, reported by the Washington Post, predates the reports of the inquiry. The hearing’s witnesses come from the subcommittee’s page, and the senators’ remarks, Altman’s refusal and Apollo’s recommendation from Roll Call; Clayton’s September 30 remarks are known through The Next Web’s account of his CNBC interview.
The table of limits summarises positions documented in the sources linked on this page and in the companion essay. The Trump administration’s row describes its stated positions and the Pentagon’s procurement decision, not a single written policy. The four psychological patterns and the counterevidence named for each camp come from the original forecast record; their wording here is a plain-language summary. Anthropic’s third-quarter figures come from Reuters’s account of two attendees at its investor meeting, read in Investing.com’s syndication; they are unaudited, and Anthropic did not comment. The eight states’ lawsuits are known through NBC News’s report; we did not read the complaints. Meta’s release was read in its own announcement. Anthropic’s arrangement with METR was read in its own October 15 post, the company’s account; we found no statement from METR. The FTC’s demands are known through Reuters’s account of Axios’s report, which cites a person familiar with the matter, and the force’s first meeting through Semafor’s report, which cites a White House official. OpenAI’s June incidents were read in its own reports on its alignment site, which name neither the website nor the research organisation; the site’s index lists them as updated on October 15, and we found no earlier version. Zuckerberg’s Financial Times interview could not be retrieved and is known through Slashdot’s excerpt; his podcast remarks were read in the published transcript. Reuters’s report on evaluators’ publication terms was read in a licensed syndication and rests on unnamed people familiar with the talks and one contract. The European Commission’s statement is known through Euronews’s report of Henna Virkkunen’s Dublin speech; the requests themselves are not public. Google’s model card and Jack Clark’s newsletter were read on their own sites; Anthropic’s merge figures were read in its October 13 engineering post, the company’s own account; Apollo’s findings come from an excerpt of Google’s separate safety report in a collected post, and Meta’s model card through Help Net Security’s report. OpenAI’s restart is known through its own post on X, read in the collected capture, and Reuters’s report in AOL’s syndication; OpenAI’s fuller account of the red-teaming on its website could not be retrieved and is known through a collected post quoting it. Moonshot’s announcement was read on its own site, and its published weights and licence on Hugging Face; its figures are its own tests. OpenAI’s data-centre commitments are known through CNBC’s and Engadget’s reports; OpenAI’s own post could not be retrieved. METR and Redwood Research’s summary was read on METR’s site, and the Wall Street Journal’s account of the leak investigation through TNW’s report, which has not verified it.
For each revised estimate, we check evidence specific to the question and obtain three fresh AI estimates using the same evidence, exact test and deadline. The model sees neither the earlier percentage nor the essay or other answers. We check the explanations for factual and interpretation errors, then use the middle estimate. Compound events are estimated with their dependencies explicit.
Model used for the recorded revisions: Claude Opus 5. The three estimates appear in each prediction’s history. Repeated calls to one model share blind spots; agreement is not calibration. We will score the dated predictions against resolved outcomes, keeping the original estimates for comparison.
The October 13 and 14 reviews checked every prediction’s test in both rounds; the first drew fresh estimates for two. Meta’s October 12 release of Muse Wonder settles the first half of the prediction that Meta will expand access to an agent or advanced model and newly object to general pacing requirements; Zuckerberg’s remarks to the Financial Times, read only in an excerpt, and on a podcast concern guardrails, each lab’s responsibility and the risk of concentration, and the second half requires a new objection to pacing itself, so the prediction stays open and a fresh set of three estimates raised it. Reuters’s report that Anthropic and OpenAI were still contesting evaluators’ publication rights in early October was checked against the prediction that one of them will establish a named arrangement for embedded evaluation with concrete access and disclosure terms: it describes negotiations, not an arrangement, and a fresh set of three estimates lowered it. Australia’s parliamentary committee recommends mandated embedded evaluators and incident deadlines, and Britain’s AI Security Institute published voluntary guidance; neither is a company’s arrangement or a U.S. position on pace. The reported plan to have senior officials of CAISSI, the Commerce Department centre that tests advanced models before release, report to the White House concerns testing, not pace, and leaves the prediction that the administration will not endorse binding limits on pace where it was. On October 14 the European Commission’s requests to OpenAI and Anthropic were checked against the prediction of a named arrangement for embedded evaluation: they are a regulator’s demands, not an arrangement either company has established, and Google’s model card, which names no evaluator, concerns neither company. The October 13 open letter from about 420 scientists, including Geoffrey Hinton and Yoshua Bengio, asking for an international body to record containment failures is not a pause campaign and repeats no corrected claim. Sanders’s endorsement of a plan by Abdul El-Sayed, the Democratic nominee for the Senate in Michigan, reported as a freeze on the development of advanced AI models and data centres, adds no provision on pay, hours, bargaining or ownership that we could find, so it does not meet the prediction about Sanders or Warren and the gains of automation; we have not read the plan itself. A secondhand report that OpenAI is resolving safety concerns before shipping its next flagship model is not the statement of a restart that our September 28 prediction awaits. The October 15 review checked every prediction again and drew no new estimates. Fuller press accounts of El-Sayed’s plan add an agency able to block releases but still no worker provision, so the Sanders–Warren prediction stays open; the eight states’ lawsuits against OpenAI are consumer-protection claims, not a congressional step or a limit on pace; and Anthropic’s investor meeting, as reported, announced no arrangement for embedded evaluation. The October 16 review resolved the prediction that Anthropic or OpenAI would establish a named arrangement for embedded evaluation with concrete access and disclosure terms: Anthropic’s October 15 post names METR, sets out its access and publication rights and says the team has been onboarded. The FTC’s demands for the companies’ incident records and the Super Intelligence Force’s first meeting set no limit on pace, so the prediction that the administration will not endorse binding limits stands; Meta’s release of downloadable weights for its Muse Spark model adds to an expansion already settled but brings no new objection to pacing that we found; and OpenAI’s October 15 incident reports do not say that its paused work has restarted. The October 17 review checked every prediction again and drew no new estimates: China’s draft export controls are a national rule, not the international agreement our prediction about Chinese developers concerns, and Anthropic’s draft bill, pitched privately, is neither an administration endorsement of limits on pace nor a congressional step. Anthropic’s draft is known through Politico’s report of a copy it obtained, and China’s through TNW’s account of Bloomberg’s and the Associated Press’s reporting; we read neither text. The reviews of October 18 to 22 checked every prediction and drew no new estimates. Until October 23 nothing in these reviews suggested that OpenAI’s paused work had restarted, and none has suggested that anyone outside checked it or that the Pentagon’s exclusion of Anthropic is being reconsidered. The October 26 review found OpenAI’s statement of October 23, on its own X account, that it had resumed frontier training and inference on October 1, which meets the test of the prediction that OpenAI would say its paused work had restarted, and drew a fresh set of three estimates for the prediction that an outside body will report its own check of the pause, which lowered it; METR and Redwood Research’s review of OpenAI’s monitoring concerns the system before the pause, so it does not meet that test. Moonshot’s decision to hold back its open model’s hacking skill is a developer’s own choice, not the international agreement our prediction about Chinese developers concerns. Earlier reviews had found that the Super Intelligence Force’s statement that incident reporting is “not optional,” OpenAI’s promise of assessor contracts, Britain’s reported renewed access to new models, Microsoft’s call for laws, Australia’s planned law and OpenAI’s mathematics release met no test. Every other question kept its previous estimate without new samples. Earlier probabilities remain visible, and model agreement does not repair a shared factual error. On September 28 we resolved the Nvidia prediction and added three predictions as a separate dated round, due 28 December. An independent review of their wording before they were frozen closed loopholes in the tests, so the first drafts were revised and estimated afresh; the first set of blind estimates is kept in our working records, and only the second was published and used.
The first revision combines refreshed research with a new estimation method; a changed percentage does not by itself mean the world changed overnight. Existing promises do not count as new actions. A forecast that something will not happen remains open until the deadline unless the contrary event occurs. Missing evidence remains unresolved. Each revision preserves the original prediction and test, with any interpretation issue recorded explicitly.
Read the forecast archive or download the complete record of the 18 September 2026 predictions, or the record of predictions added 28 September 2026.
